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World Viewpoints |
| Musharraf: Islam's
man of action |
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Like his
predecessor, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, he is a shrewd
operator, skilful at manipulating his political
opponents, congenial, is fond of lecturing his nation,
and has a short fuse. |
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New
Statesman |
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Ziauddin Sardar |
President Pervez Musharraf does not see himself as a
dictator. On the contrary, he projects himself as a
modern, tolerant, enlightened man tirelessly working
to restore democracy to Pakistan. This country needs
my leadership, he has declared on numerous occasions.
Musharraf came to power in 1999 after ousting the
civilian government of Nawaz Sharif. Sharif had
brought the country to its knees: corruption was
endemic, ethnic warfare was tearing Pakistan apart,
the economy was near collapse. The army had to take
over, Musharraf told the country, "as a last resort to
prevent any further destabilisation". Since then, he
has ruled Pakistan with as much cunning as brute
power.
Musharraf is the third of the great military dictators
who have ruled Pakistan, on and off, for more than 30
years. Like his predecessor, General Muhammad
Zia-ul-Haq, he is a shrewd operator, skilful at
manipulating his political opponents, congenial, is
fond of lecturing his nation, and has a short fuse.
Like Ayyub Khan, the first military dictator of
Pakistan, he believes in "guided democracy", a
historically established euphemism for army rule.
After coming to power, Musharraf began implementing an
elaborate plan to introduce grassroots democracy. He
established regional and city assemblies, promoted the
participation of women and peasants, and held
elections. He went on to introduce parliamentary
democracy and set up a National Assembly. But all this
was done, in the true Pakistani military tradition,
after he had introduced a few notable constitut ional
changes. Musharraf's constitutional amend ments, the
Legal Framework Order (LFO), give him the power to
sack prime ministers, dissolve parliaments and make
him both head of the army and head of state.Not
surprisingly, the National Assembly refused to endorse
his amendment. So Musharraf went directly to the
voters, who had, by now, warmed to him. A referendum
in April 2002 extended his rule for five years.
There is little doubt that the "war on terror" has
given Musharraf added respectability. Wash ington
loves him because he is just the kind of authoritarian
leader they like to do business with. He is not only a
vital ally but someone with deep inside knowledge of
the Taliban, al-Qaeda and the jihadi movements -
indeed, his army and intelligence services helped to
create them in the first place. Musharraf has used his
privileged position to gain considerable benefits. He
had sanctions against Pakistan, imposed because of its
nuclear programme, lifted; secured a $1bn aid package;
and negotiated the purchase of new weapons.
But Musharraf is aware that his supporters in
Washington and London are embarrassed by the fact that
he is, after all is said and done, an unelected,
military ruler. He is about to put that right too, by
holding presidential elections when his current term
ends next year. Given the make-up of national and
regional assemblies, he is assured of re-election; and
he can then announce his democratic credentials to the
world.
There's only one problem. Both Benazir Bhutto and
Nawaz Sharif, the disposed and discredited leaders
living in exile, are plotting against him. The two
heads of the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Pakistan
Muslim League are the only grass-roots politicians who
can stand against Musharraf. They have now put their
differences aside and signed a "Charter for Democracy"
calling for the repeal of the LFO, the return of the
army to the barracks and the restoration of full
democracy to Pakistan. Bhutto and Sharif also want an
independent election commission to be set up to ensure
free and fair polls.
Proud to be Pakistani
Musharraf has threatened both leaders with dire
consequences if they return to Pakistan. Sharif has
been convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment for
corruption and there are numerous warrants against
Bhutto. But in all probability, he will call their
bluff. He could call an election in April, leaving
Bhutto and Sharif unprepared to participate in a
full-blown election. Even if he allows them time to
prepare, he will find some way to short-change them.
The champion of "enlightened moderation" is determined
to be around for some time.
Musharraf may be a dictator, but he is strictly not of
the tin-pot variety. He has survived two assassination
attempts and numerous political upheavals. Under him,
Pakistan has achieved high rates of economic growth
but he has not accumulated any personal wealth,
something that ordinary Pakistanis appreciate. He has
also not muzzled the press, which aggressively
maintains its independence. The leaders of other
Muslim states hold him in high esteem. He is seen by
the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (the Muslim
world's counterpart to the UN) as a "man of action"
who gets things moving. And he is one of the few
leaders in the world who has a finger on the nuclear
button.
Last year, I bumped into him in the restaurant of the
Intercontinental Hotel in Islamabad. He came over to
my table and patted me on the back. "I am very
interested," he said, "in the opinions of learned
Pakistanis like you." "I am British," I replied. "And
I think Pakistan is a failed state." "We will change
your mind," he shot back. "We will make you proud to
be a Pakistani." The only way he can do that is to
hang up his military uniform.
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| New
Statesman print edition Sep 04th 2006 |
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