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Dr
Ayesha Siddiqa did her doctorate from King's College,
London in 1996 and has worked on issues varying from
military expenditure, defence decision-making, nuclear
deterrence, arms procurement, arms production to
civil-military relations in South Asia. She is also a
Ford Fellow and more recently Pakistan Scholar at t he
Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars.
She
began her professional career with the Pakistan navy
as the Director of Naval Research, making her the
first civilian and woman to work at that position in
Pakistan's defence establishment. She writes for
various international journals such as: Journal of
Asian Affairs, Journal of the European Institute of
Asian Studies, Jane's Defence Weekly and the Bulletin
of Atomic Scientists. Her major publication to date is
the book Pakistan's Arms Procurement and Military
Buildup, 1979-99: In Search of a Policy (Palgrave
Press, 2001).
Here
is an interview for despardes.com Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa
about her book she is working on "Military Inc, The
Politics of Military's Economy in Pakistan".
Question: So what is this book about?
Dr.
Siddiqa: This book is about military business
operations with a case study of Pakistan.
Question: So what prompted you to write this book?
Dr.
Siddiqa: I was a civil servant. During the course of
my work I had to deal with numbers of military
spending and doing that one slowly realized that a lot
was hidden. It is the search for numbers that took me
in this direction. The other thing is that it is
essential to understand the dynamics of the
institution that virtually controls Pakistan's past,
present and future.
Question: Ok, so who did you work for as a civil
servant?
Dr.
Siddiqa: I joined the civil service in 1988 and left
in 2001. Served in military accounts, defence audit
and later the navy.
Question: Going back to the Pakistan army’s business,
what are your findings?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Several. First, the military has become
predatory engaging in political and economic
predation. Second, political predation is not complete
without economic predation. Third, military has
mutated into a separate class that shares interests
with other members of the ruling elite. Finally,
because the military protects its vested interests, it
leads to alienation of the masses.
Question: When did all this start?
Dr.
Siddiqa: It dates back to the early 1950s. The
business ventures were started with the establishing
of the first foundation called the Fauji Foundation in
1953. This was established with the war veteran's
rehabilitation fund of Rs. 18 million.
Question: Why do you consider forming Fauji Foundation
a predatory step by the army?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Listen you have to understand the concept. A
politically strong entity that engages in political
predation needs to feel economically or financially
autonomous. This completes the picture of predation.
The generals thought that they wanted to establish
independent means of providing for their welfare and
not depending on the civilians like it happened in
India. The financial autonomy gradually created the
logic for greater interest in political control.
Question: Give me one or two instances when the 1953
move swirled into predation.
Dr.
Siddiqa: It started right then with Ayub Khan and his
cabal getting agricultural land and establishing
independent means for themselves.Look at Ayub Khan. He
not only got several squares of agricultural land in
Sindh, he also established his sons into business.
Look at the entire lot of generals at the moment. A
Major General has a legal worth of about Rs. 300
million [Rs. 30 crores]. These are conservative
estimates.
Question: Going back to Pakistan army's economic
superpower...What percentage of the GDP and GNP is it?
Dr.
Siddiqa: This is difficult to calculate but their own
estimates are about 4 % of GDP. I would say that their
share in private sector assets is about 7-10 percent
of private sector assets. This is a large number for
any single group.
Question: Can you translate that into crores?
Dr.
Siddiqa: 7-10 percent of private sector assets cannot
be translated but I can give you another figure: They
are worth about Rs. 200 billion. It is just the
business. If you put in real estate then we are
talking about a Rs 1 trillion plus economy.
Question: You mean Pakistan army's side economy?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Yes. This includes real estate, businesses
done by subsidiaries, organizations and individuals.
You have to understand that this economy is predatory
by nature because it does not accept any form of
civilian control over it. It is independent in terms
of planning, appropriation of funds, etc.
Question: If Pakistan army's assets total Rs 1
trillion can they fund Pakistan’s annual budget wholly
or partially if they have to?
Dr.
Siddiqa: This would, converting these resources into
liquid assets and then it would be possible to pay. A
lot of these resources are state resources that could
provide for military expenditure and more. It is
difficult to say that this money would fund the entire
budget. Of course, it can but over what period? These
assets were acquired over time and their value should
be added to the annual defence budget.
Question: What was the defence budget for the year
2001?
Dr.
Siddiqa: 131 billion. If you add these numbers the
budget would escalate to over Rs. 400 billion
Question: When you left in 2001 how many generals, etc
were there who form the command structure of Pakistan
forces?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Brigadier and up would be a few hundred.
Question: So if we assume 100 then 100 times 300
million = 30 billion is the legal worth of army's
command structure correct?
Dr.
Siddiqa: it is more but don't get into these fancy
numbers... Plus the higher you go the more pricy you
become. A full general is worth Rs 500 million [Rs. 50
crores] plus.
Question: How much land does the forces own in each
province?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Difficult to bifurcate but to give you a
taste - they own about 7-9 million acres in Punjab
alone
Question: What percentage is it of whole of Punjab?
Dr.
Siddiqa: I am still trying to figure this out. It is
not an issue of what percentage is this of Punjab but
that a major portion of state land is appropriated by
one group
Question: What about Sindh?
Dr.
Siddiqa: My sense is that it is less in Sindh
Question: Why is that?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Most of the land is around the 2 barrages
constructed after independence. Because they didn't
make new barrages.
Question: What is their modus operandi in getting
these lands allotment?
Dr.
Siddiqa: 10 % of land, according to the 1912
Colonization of Land Act, is allotted to the military
Question: 10% everywhere?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Yes it would be everywhere land is found.
Colonization of land refers to each land reclaimed due
to creation of water channels and other irrigation
projects. However, they tend to get more in Punjab
Question: Does India have this act too?
Dr.
Siddiqa: No. They got rid of such acts when they did
land reforms. Remember India is a state moving towards
capitalism. A capitalist state would not create means
for institutionalizing feudalism
Question: Are you saying Pakistan army has
institutionalized feudalism?
Dr.
Siddiqa: I am saying that it is a feudal institution
as well
Question: So in that case their interests converge
with feudal system correct?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Yes
Question: Do you think they resisted land reform along
with the feudal?
Dr.
Siddiqa: I wouldn't say that they resisted but they
had sufficient stakes not to pursue a policy that had
a negative impact on their benefits. For example, who
buys the land the Faujis sell? The local feudal or the
new rural capitalist class that is equally feudal in
nature. Why should the officers then try to destroy
the class that bails them out financially. After 1999,
generals have started to keep their lands
Question: What happened after 1999
Dr.
Siddiqa: Since the value of land has gone up,
especially after 9/11, generals now keep lands and
have turned into absentee land lords
Question: Why did the value of land in Pakistan go up
after 9/11
Dr.
Siddiqa: Because of the money that started to flow in
from Pakistani expatriates plus other Muslim countries
Question: What is their modus operandi in getting
these lands allotted to generals individually and to
their housing societies collectively?
Dr.
Siddiqa: The provincial governments allot the land to
the Ministry of Defence who then gives the land to the
three services for further dispersal. The land is also
given to the Jawans but the quantity is lesser than
what is given to the senior officers. Plus, the
generals get greater facilities in making the land
cultivable.
Question: All this is based on 1912 colonization of
land act that India got rid of and Pakistan still has?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Yes, but they have done alterations as well.
For instance, the act does not say that land meant for
operational purpose be appropriated for personal use.
It is against the law
Question: Are you saying that land meant for
operational purposes are or have been appropriated to
the generals for personal use or to the housing
societies?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Of course. All land in the cities is military
land turned into housing colonies
Question: What is the conclusion of your book?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Simple: The political leadership in Pakistan
has to negotiate the military's gradual withdrawal
from the economy if they want democratic institutions
to grow
Question: At what value does the army buy land?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Between Rs. 30-60 per acre. In some cases
they pay more. This refers to the private housing
schemes
Question: You mean in Defence Society in Karachi, the
army gets land from the provincial govt for 30 to 60
rupees an acre only?
Dr.
Siddiqa: There are 2 methods for getting land. All the
military land converted for personal use is given at
the ridiculous price I quoted. Then there are other
schemes where they pay a little more. For instance,
the Cantonment Board distributed plots of 500 yards
each by appropriating part of the parking lot of the
Karachi stadium. Each plot was for about Rs 600,000
Question: What was the fair market value of each plot
at that time?
Dr.
Siddiqa: One and a half crore
Question: Who got these plots?
Dr.
Siddiqa: Generals. The bulk goes to generals. This was
done by General Tauqeer Zia. As Chairman Cricket
Control Board he authorized himself to return this
land that once belonged to the Cantonment Board for
further distribution
Question: Any more instances of such land grabbing?
Dr.
Siddiqa: The entire Lahore Cantonment was turned into
housing schemes. In fact, except for Defence phase I &
II (Lahore), the rest of the land does not even belong
to the military
Question: How many acres is Lahore Cantonment, if you
know?
Dr.
Siddiqa: About 8000 to 10,000.
Question: What is its fair market worth now
Dr.
Siddiqa: Runs into billions. It should be around Rs.
700 billion
Question: What was the "grabbing price"
Dr.
Siddiqa: As I said, Rs. 30-60. This is the rate that
officers pay. |